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Sunday, 12 December 2021

A Date with Destiny: William Arnold, the Last Abbot of Merevale.

In the middle of the 1530s, the English church was in a state of crisis.  On the 15th of January 1535 King Henry VIII had declared himself the Supreme Head of the Church of England, creating a permanent rift with the Catholic faith.  Whilst the debate around the reasons for this has centred on his desire for an annulment of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon, one of the consequences was a land grab on a scale not seen in England since the Norman invasion of 1066.

Artist's impression of Merevale Abbey from the Henry Tudor Society website https://henrytudorsociety.com/2015/08/20/merevale-abbey/

Much land in the parish of Seale had, over the centuries, been given to the church, and to religious institutions, specifically in the form of land grants to the Abbey of Merevale in north Warwickshire.  This institution had been founded by Robert, Earl Ferrers, in 1148 as a house of the Cistercian order.  It is of significance, as will be seen below, that there was a close connection between the Cistercians and the Order of the Knights Templar and it may be that that connection was remembered long after the Templars were dissolved. When the Knights Templar were founded in 1119, they were unpopular in many quarters of the Church and it was only following support in the form of a letter from Bernard of Clairvaux in 1129 that they were granted recognition by Pope Honorious II.  Bernard also founded the Cistercian Order and the link between the orders was strong, indeed the Templars were considered a branch of the Cistercian order.[1]  The wearing of a white mantle by knights (the monks of the order, other ranks were lay people and not monks) was influenced by the white robes of Cistercian monks and represented purity and the casting out of darkness.  The close connection between the orders was kept until the Knights Templar were suppressed following events in 1307.  For example, it was not the norm for Knights Templar to leave the order, and if expelled they were expected to enter a monastery, often of the Cistercians, who followed a strict code of practice.  It was possible for permission to enter a Cistercian house to be withheld and other houses of the Benedictine or Augustinian orders to be entered instead.[2]

 

Merevale Abbey was dissolved almost 400 years after its founding, when the article of surrender was signed by the Abbot, William Arnold, in 1538.[3]  The Ferrers family had kept a connection and patronage with Merevale Abbey over the centuries and encouraged donations of land.  Land ownership was as important then as it is now, and even seemingly minor transgressions or infringement of rights were often contested in law, in fact the earliest document held in the Derbyshire Record Office dates to the twelfth century and is for land transfer in the parish of Seale.  By the sixteenth century, although having had financial difficulties over the years, Merevale Abbey owned considerable tracts of land in the Midlands, including in Seale.  Seale Grange, to the west of Netherseal was an estate rented from Merevale, as were other fields in Netherseal alongside significant areas of Overseal.  A large part of the Great Wood – Grange Wood – was owned by the abbey.  One of Overseal’s three great fields was called Church Field and Overseal Farm (also known as Grange Farm) was also owned by the Abbey.  The name grange indicates  that the land was owned by the abbey and rented out to tenants.

 

Although he could not have known it when he was appointed, William Arnold would be the last Abbot of Merevale Abbey.  The first surviving record of William Arnold dates to 1522, when he appears on a list drawn up by Thomas Cromwell in the February of that year, although he was probably appointed as abbot sometime after 1518 when records of the former abbot, John Baddesley, end. Positions of lay and secular authority were commonly appointed for a fee to the person who could afford to buy their way into them, bribery was considered normal in Tudor England, a perquisite of power.  Arnold appears on a list drawn up for Cromwell by William Brabazon, in September of 1522 in which it was stated that: ‘the abbot of Merevale is very short of money, but at Christmas he will pay most part of his duty’ and for Cromwell’s trouble over his election he forwarded 53s. 4d. Further difficulties in paying his ‘duty’ to Cromwell are apparent in the records; Arnold sent 4d to Cromwell in 1532 due to a poor harvest that year and he again appears on a list with a payment to Cromwell in 1536. Arnold continued to fight to keep his position as Abbot of Merevale, although it was contested by others.  It is difficult to judge Arnold’s abilities as abbot from the available evidence.  His payment of bribes to Cromwell was considered normal in Tudor society, and considerable bribes were offered by rivals keen to assume the position, which Arnold managed to fight off.  It is known that Merevale was a valuable abbey with considerable rents but also that Arnold took his duties very seriously: beer and loaves were doled out weekly to the poor at the monastery gates and from the churches owned by the abbey at Mancetter and Orton on the Hill, along with the hospices attached to those churches  Fish was doled out on Maundy Thursday.[4] The abbot seems to have ministered to the poor well, enacting his duties to the best of his abilities, which must have been considerable, as evidenced by his fighting off other suitors to the position right to the very end.  Inevitably, despite Arnold’s best efforts to fight it, the writing was on the wall and Merevale Abbey was surrendered in 1538, following Henry VIII’s Dissolution of the Monasteries Act.  

 

William Arnold may have provided an unusual and startling twist to the story, and there is a possibility that the connection to the Knights Templar was remembered more than 200 years after the order’s dissolution.  This dramatic twist is hinted at by William Arnold in his final act of signing the surrender of the house and his choice of date to do so may be a darkly significant one.  As a Cistercian abbot and an educated Christian and godly man, Arnold would certainly have known his own order’s history, and the history of what had been, in effect, the military wing of the order.  On Friday 13th October 1307 Philip IV of France had ordered the arrest of the Templars, including the Order’s Grand Master, where many were tortured into admitting charges of heresy.  These ‘confessions’ were used by Philip to bully the Pope, Clement V, into finally dissolving the order in 1312.  In 1538, and facing the inevitable, William Arnold chose the same date, the 13th of October, to sign the letter of surrender of Merevale Abbey following the Dissolution of the Monasteries ordered by another bullying tyrant, Henry VIII of England.  We will never know for certain that Arnold was signalling the suppression of a religious order by a tyrant by his choice of date, and we must also consider the possibility that it may be entirely coincidental.  Alternatively, Arnold may be sending a signal to history.  My feeling is that William Arnold was a brave and capable man who ministered to the poor and fought off rivals through his tenacity.  In a final act of defiance to a tyrant and bully, insofar as he sensibly could, Arnold drew attention to the connection between one despot and another by highlighting a dark and significant date in the Cistercian order’s history.

 

William Arnold was pensioned off, avoiding the fate of other abbots, like Richard Whiting, who was hung, drawn and quartered for remaining loyal to the Catholic faith and refusing to hand over the Abbey of Glastonbury. Following the letter of surrender the Merevale lands were handed over to their patron, Lord Ferrers of Chartley, two days later on the 15th October.  Lord Ferrers’ son sold the Seale manors to his cousin, Sir William Gresley, in 1563, and so began a new chapter for the parish. 

 

In one final footnote, the Seale Parish Register begins in that same year, 1563, and it may be of significance that the surname Arnold figures strongly in the parish.  It could be that the burial of one William Arnold on September the 8th, 1585 is another man entirely, but it could also be that the name points to a family connection with the parish.  Perhaps future research may resolve the question of whether William Arnold was from the parish of Seale.



[1] https://www.worldhistory.org/Knights_Templar/ Accessed 11th December 2021

[2] Parker, T.W. The Knights Templar in England. Wipf & Stock Publishers. 2020 p:135

Wednesday, 13 October 2021

The Curious Case of the Livery Button

Livery buttons are a fairly common metal detecting find, so for one to turn up in a field in Overseal near to the Netherseal boundary isn’t something of especial significance, and certainly of no financial value.  It was only a chance discussion over the internet with an interested member of the Overseal History Group that the local importance of the discovery became apparent.  Indeed, the discovery connects our ancient parish directly with the wider world of the 17th century, even to the far side of the Pacific Ocean.  The button in question is in a fairly poor condition.  It depicts a greyhound courant or a running greyhound, alongside a wading bird, probably a heron or stork.  In a cartouche or banner is what at first, I took to be the word ‘Saardrim’ but what a group member, C.L. Redfern thought was the word ‘Saardam’.  It was during this online discussion that the penny dropped – or in this case, the livery button.

Figure 1. The livery button found in a field in Overseal.

Gilbert Morewood was born in 1585 or 1586, the second son of Rowland Morewood and Ann Stafford of Bradfield, Yorkshire.  At around the age of fourteen, young Gilbert went to London to join the Company of Grocers as an apprentice to Anthony Morewood, probably his cousin, a freeman of the Grocer’s Company. Young Gilbert showed an aptitude for the business and rapidly progressed until by 1616 he had himself risen to become a freeman of the same Company.  Once he became a freeman, he began to invest whatever he could in the import of pepper, nutmeg, cloves, and currants, brought in on trading ships from the east.  Later, he began to trade in exotic groceries and vices such as coffee, chocolate and that old favourite, tobacco.  He began to buy and sell property in the city and the country, lent money, and provided insurance for trading ventures.  He traded through the Levant Company, and he became a member of the Virginia Company, owning shares in ships trading to Brazil and South America, to Guinea and to West Africa.  England in the seventeenth century was changing, and that change was being driven by men like Gilbert Morewood.  Perhaps most importantly for our story, in 1619 Gilbert Morewood became a member of the East India Company, which held, deliberately vague by design of a Royal Charter, a monopoly on trade to the east.  By the year 1628 Morewood was wealthy enough to look around for a country estate and purchased the manors of Netherseal and Overseal in what was then north-west Leicestershire (now South Derbyshire) from Sir George Gresley of Drakelowe.  Morewood grew to love his country estate, and although his business interests often kept him away in the city, his family grew and prospered.  Morewood had a daughter from his first marriage, then a stepdaughter and three more daughters from his second marriage.  These three, Frances, Grace, and Elizabeth, were all christened at St Peter’s in Netherseal, although Elizabeth died shortly after her fifth birthday and is buried in the churchyard.  Morewood’s nephew, Reginald Eyre, also purchased property in the parish and remained there.

 

With a weather eye on the fortunes of trade and unlike many less canny traders, Morewood supplemented his trading activities through the Virginia Company, one of the few who did.  He also traded in lead and another very valuable and dangerous commodity, gunpowder.  In 1641 he rose to became one of the twenty-four ‘committees’, or members of the governing body of the East India Company, ensuring also that his brother and son-in-law were also elected as ‘committees’.  Later still, and very cannily, once it became apparent that the Parliamentarian cause would win the Civil War, Morewood steered the East India Company away from support of Laudian and Royalist causes and supplied the Parliamentary cause, most especially with lead from the family lead mines in Derbyshire.[1]


Figure 2. The Saardam in 1629, illustration from the book François Pelsaert, Ongeluckige voyagie van't schip Batavia nae de Oost-Indien (Amsterdam, 1647). Author unknown.

In July 1628 he petitioned to export lead from his brother’s lead mines in Derbyshire through the port of Hull to Amsterdam, and it may be here that the connection to the livery button was made.  Morewood’s lead cargo arrived in Amsterdam, probably in the August or September of 1628 after the petition had been granted.  The agreement to export the lead had been made with Dutch merchants before restrictions had been put in place by government, therefore the petition was successful.  What is not known is whether Morewood had travelled to Amsterdam himself or whether the agreement was made by an intermediary.

It transpires that the ‘Saardam’ (alternative spellings Sardam, Saerdam or even Zaandam) is the name of a Dutch ship that was constructed in Amsterdam for the Dutch East India Company and made its maiden voyage at the end of October 1628.  At 36 metres from stern to bowsprit (roughly 120 feet), and with a load capacity of 500 tons it was built for inter-island trade in the East Indies.  

 

Having left Amsterdam in October 1628, the Saardam arrived in Batavia (modern day Jakarta) in the Dutch East Indies, after over eight months at sea, in July 1629.  The story of the Saardam starts to heat up from this point.  The Saardam was involved in the rescue of the Dutch merchant ship, also called the Batavia, which ran aground off the coast of Western Australia in June 1629.  Most of the crew and passengers survived the initial wreck and were marooned on a small group of islands.  The captain, Jan Pelsaert, took most of the senior crew on a longboat to row to Jakarta, and arrived there thirty-three days later, an incredible journey in itself. Pelsaert was ordered to return in the recently arrived Saardam to rescue the remaining passengers and crew of the Batavia.  Arriving back on 2nd October 1629, more than three months after the initial grounding of the Batavia, Pelsaert discovered the terrible sight of a mutiny in which most of the female passengers had been raped and murdered, the soldiers accompanying the ship had been deliberately marooned on another island some five miles away and any children and men who refused to join the mutiny had been murdered.  In total, an estimated 125 men, women and children were murdered by the mutineers.  Pelsaert dealt out swift justice, cutting off the right hand of many of the mutineers and then hanging them.  The mutineer’s leader had both hands cut off and was then hung.  All bar two of the remaining mutineers were transported to Jakarta, where they were tried before a judge and then hung.  The two were deliberately marooned on the island and left to die.  The remaining survivors of the wreck of the Batavia were then rescued by the Saardam and delivered safely to Jakarta.[2]


Figure 3. The excutions as illustrated in the Lucas de Vries 1649 edition of Ongeluckige Voyagie van’t Schip Batavia nae de Oost-Indien (‘Unlucky voyage of the ship Batavia to the East Indies’). Image: Spy007au via Wiki Commons.

The full horror of the story was published shortly after news of it was received back in Holland and quickly the story became the talk of Europe, especially amongst international traders such as Morewood and the East India Company.  The chance find of a livery button bearing the legend Saardam provides us with a connection to the world of international spice trade and the dangers of seafaring in the seventeenth century. 


Figure 4. The arms of the Morewood family of Bradfield, the 'Morewoods of the Oak'.

In yet another coincidence, it is also the case that one of the symbols of the Morewood coat of arms is a greyhound courant, the running greyhound.[3]  There are many unanswered questions.  Did Morewood himself, or one of his representatives see the livery button depicting a running greyhound and take a fancy to it through the connection with Morewood’s family coat of arms?  Or was it in fact the other way around?  Did the Morewood family adopt the symbol after seeing the Saardam’s livery button?  How did the button come to arrive in the Parish of Seale and country seat of Gilbert Morewood? Was there a closer connection with the Saardam – for example, did Morewood or his Dutch counterpart transport lead from Amsterdam to Jakarta?  Was the apparent coincidence of the lead cargo arriving in Amsterdam in time for the Saardam travelling to Batavia in fact a deliberate objective that had been planned for from the outset?  Was Morewood anticipating an import from the East Indies upon the return of the Batavia?  The list goes on and questions remain unanswered, and after so long are likely to remain so.

 

Here though, we have several curious facts, coincidences and timing that are too great to be ignored.  That Morewood was trading with Dutch merchants and that a delivery of his lead arrived in Amsterdam just as the Saardam was being prepared for a journey to the East Indies; that Morewood himself was already a well-established trader in spices and other goods from the East Indies; and that a livery button was found in a field in the very manor that Morewood owned bearing the symbol of the running greyhound and the name Saardam almost 400 years later are remarkable correspondences that connect a small parish in the centre of England to the wider world of the 1600s, the spice trade that dominated Europe, and to a gruesome 400 year-old tragedy on the other side of the world.  

 

All through the chance find of a button, a curious case indeed.


[2] Much of this story of Gilbert Morewood is brilliantly researched and told by Linda Levy-Peck, along with much more about the Gresley and Bennett families in 'Women of Fortune. Money, marriage and murder in early modern England'.[3] Glover, S. The History and Gazetteer of the County of Derby. 1833 p.14 Google Books: https://www.google.co.uk/books/edition/The_History_and_Gazetteer_of_the_County/PwOcagR5StAC?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=the+crest+of+morewoods&pg=PA14&printsec=frontcover Accessed 13th October 2021





Wednesday, 6 October 2021

Of Wind and Water: mills in the greater Seale parish. Part two.

                         

This second part of the discussion on mills follows the development of the first known watermill at Barratt Mill.  Alongside the advent of improved watermills, windmills began to be introduced into the greater parish.  All of these have now entirely disappeared, leaving little or no physical trace that they ever existed.  Indeed, in two cases, Donisthorpe and the first Netherseal windmill, the only record that a windmill ever existed on the site is through the field-name evidence.  The Chilcote windmill, mentioned in passing below, has also completely disappeared. The Barratt Mill windmill site has documentary and map evidence and the later windmill at Netherseal survived into the twentieth century, alongside documentary evidence that includes photographs.

Author’s impression of a medieval post mill based on an extant mill in Hessenpark, Germany. Overseal windmill is likely to have been of a similar design. Cloth sails would have been attached to the sail frames to catch the wind and provide the energy to power the mill.

So far, I have discovered four lost windmills in the parish, alongside the two known watermills.  The watermills were at Barratt Mill, now lost, and at Netherseal where the mill building, the mill fleam and millpool survive.  The story of Barratt Mill to circa 1900 and the lost windmills will be covered here; a later article will tell the story of the Netherseal watermill and the demise of Barratt Mill.

 

The earliest reference so far to the specific name Barratt Mill is in a document dating to 1609,[1] although the name Barratt Pool is mentioned in 1343, as noted in part one, and few instances of further evidence survive in the written records.  Difficulties in identifying the mill site arise as no maps were made to support Domesday, nor were maps drawn up for the records prior to the 18th century, with Anno 1735 written on the map and therefore the date given by Leicestershire Records Office (LRO) of the earliest known map of the area.  This map, held in the LRO, depicts some areas of Overseal and the only one of these shown in detail is Barratt Mill.[2]

 

There are a small number of quite early maps extant depicting Seale, the earliest known of which dates to c.1578.  Unfortunately, this very beautiful Tudor map, held in the DRO, with the villages drawn in three dimensions, does not extend far enough east to show the mill or pool.  John Speed’s map of Leicestershire dated 1610 is too small scale to indicate the mill pool.  The next available map in the sequence, mentioned above and held in LRO, dates to c.1730-1735.  The mill pool at that date was depicted in a rough teardrop shape and was quite large, stretching north past Gorsey Leys into the fields below Overseal, an area known as Brooky Flats.  The mill complex is drawn in plan view and shows a lane leading to the mill from the road through Short Heath.  The main mill building backs onto the pool, with a smaller building shown just on the south side.  On the east side of the Hooborough Brook a windmill is depicted with the words Wind Mill next to it.  Across the southern edge of the pool is written Barret Mill Dam, and to the south of the complex is written Barratt Mill Holms (holms meaning small eyots or islands in the marsh).  We can safely assume that the land to the south of the mill site was marshy, perhaps with standing water year-round and with small islands of dry land rising from it, in fact, it still is in wet weather.  The fields either side of Hooborough Brook to the north of what would have been the level of the mill pool and running along the west side of Slackey Lane (not yet a lane in 1730) still have clear signs of mediæval ridge and furrow field systems.

 

Stafford Record Office (SRO) has a map of Overseal and is a much larger scale.  The date given for this map by SRO is c.1800 but that is unlikely.  Many of the people mentioned on the map as landowners were deceased before 1800, some of the buildings have been added later in a different colour ink and landowners’ names have been struck through and the new landowner added as property changed hands.  The hunting lodge built by the Rev Dr Thomas Gresley in Seal Wood in 1764 is missing, indicating that the map was drawn prior to that date.  This is very likely the lost original Enclosure Award map of 1755 (with later additions).  Whatever its origins though, for our purposes we can state that it dates to the second half of the eighteenth century and shows Overseal in great detail but only includes the western half of the mill-pool, crucially missing off a depiction of the dam and causeway from the eastern half of the pool.  What are clearly marked, despite an ink smudge, are the watermill buildings themselves.  Barratt Mill is at this time in the possession of Lord Huntingdon, Henry Hastings 11th Earl of Huntingdon.


A part of the probable ‘lost’ Enclosure Award map of Overseal held in SRO showing a section of Barratt Pool and mill.

John Prior’s map of 1777 is to a much smaller scale but clearly shows Barratt Pool and two mills, a water mill and a windmill, with much of the mill complex part of the Hastings family estate.  The map also shows Barratt Mill dam creating the mill-pool, fed by the Hooborough Brook.  

The gaps in the long years between each map can be partly filled in by looking at the documentary evidence.  The Overseal windmill is named in a survey of the village undertaken in 1626, probably for the sale of the manor to Gilbert Morewood.  There is no description of the mill and the specific site is not named, although it is unlikely that more than one mill site existed between the known dates, placing Overseal’s windmill not on a higher point of the village, but on the Woulds, a fairly high area anyway as described above.  There is no extant trace of the windmill at the Barratt Mill site and this is in keeping with post-mills of an earlier period, and to an earlier design.  These early windmills did not have the brick roundhouse and kerb of later mills and traces of them are very easily lost.  It may be that the later dwelling houses known to have existed well into the Twentieth Century occupied the former windmill site.  These houses too are long gone, with no evidence of their having existed visible on the ground.  It is not known how long prior to the 1626 survey that a windmill had occupied the site, although windmill technology was known in England from at least the 13thcentury.  These windmills were called post-mills, as they stand on a single central post, which allows the mill to be turned to face into the wind and cause the sails to turn.


Without further evidence we have to place the windmill construction on the site to somewhere between the late Tudor period, and obviously no later than 1626, and was still in situ at least as late as Prior’s map of 1777, a minimum lifetime of 150 years and perhaps much longer.


Part of Overseal, The Woulds and Barratt Pool, from John Prior's 1777 map of Leicestershire. Note the road layout, the route of the lanes across the Woulds, different to today’s roads which were redesigned and laid out in 1815, after the enclosure of the Woulds in 1801.

 

Local cartographer John Smith of Packington was engaged to provide a survey of Overseal and Netherseal in 1785 and this map is held in DRO.  The original accompanying ‘Plan of Particulars’ is lost, but a copy by John Morewood Gresley in 1854 is extant.  The map depicts the Barratt Mill site (item 75), and the copy of the Plan lists it as ‘House, Mill, Garden & Croft’, so we can be sure the mill was in use at that time.  The Plan of Particulars copy also gives us the landowner, Lord Huntingdon, and for the first time we get the name of the miller, tenant to Lord Huntingdon, one John Tims.  The windmill, if it was still extant at this date, would have been east of the Hooborough Brook and is not depicted on the map.


Barratt Mill detail from the 1785 Plan of the Lordships of Overseal and Netherseal by John Smith of Packington.


That Donisthorpe too had a windmill must be considered here.  An 18th century map of the village has the field name Windmill Close at a high point of the village near the junction of Acresford Road and Hill Street.  Nothing more is currently known of Donisthorpe windmill, when it was built, by (or for) whom, nor when it fell into disuse.  All we can say with any degree of certainty is that it was gone by the time the map was created, leaving only a field name as evidence of its existence.


Windmill Close on an 18th century map of Donisthorpe.

 

Netherseal too has a ‘lost’ windmill.  Situated near the junction of Clifton Road and Sandy Lane. The possible site of a second windmill in Netherseal was brought up through the village history forum on social media.  The location of a former windmill site ay the western end of Clifton Road, Netherseal, had been passed on as oral history and investigating the veracity of the oral information reveals that this kind of information can have very deep roots.[3]  An examination of the 1785 map and plan of particulars reveals the field names for field number 507, 539 and 540 as Windmill Field, Upper Windmill Hill and Lower Windmill Hill respectively.  The remains of a mound believed in the oral version of the story to be the mound upon which the windmill was sited in the southernmost corner of field 506 (opposite the junction with Clifton Road) is still visible on the ground but the plan of particulars has a blank for that field name. (See below).  As noted above in regard to the windmill at Donisthorpe, the field names – and quite remarkably – folk memory, retain a memory of what is lost from the landscape, and presumably the Clifton Road/ Sandy Lane windmill was of similar date to the Overseal windmill, namely from the Tudor period and had been lost during the course of the intervening years.  Prior’s 1777 map indicates a windmill to the south of Netherseal watermill, in the fields between Netherseal and Chilcote, and a watermill at Stretton-en-le-Field.  It does not show a windmill at the Clifton Road/ Sandy Lane junction, nor at the Donisthorpe site.


The site of the former windmill on Clifton Road/ Sandhole Lane junction, fields 506, 507, 539 & 540.

Netherseal Windmill on Hunt's Lane from the 1843 tithe map.  Author’s photograph of the original, held in DRO and accessed 18th May 2016.

 

The Netherseal windmill that is remembered was situated on Hunts Lane.  This windmill is described in the Derbyshire HER under record entry Monument/MDR7132[4] as a post-medieval mill (1540-1900CE) and is described as follows:

 

The windmill at Netherseal was about 3/4 of a mile north-west of the village. The mill is not listed by Farey in 1808 but is shown on the first OS map in 1834 when it appears as a post mill, although at that time it was in Leicestershire. It was offered for sale by auction in 1841 according to the Derby Mercury of November 3 as follows: 'Newly erected Post Mill with round house and seven acres of land, near the village of Netherseal'. In 1843, under the Tithe Award, the mill and adjacent property was owned by Reuben Stevenson, with the family retaining control throughout its life. It was worked until about 1905 (when it appears as a 'windmill' on the OS map). Several photographs taken at the turn of the 19th century give a clear picture of the mill. The white painted, horizontally boarded buck, which has a curved roof, sits on the top of a tall, slender, brick round house with external buttresses. The round house, most unusually, had four round windows just below the curb (assuming it was a Midland type mill). The skirt does not appear to be complete but the tailpole and ladder were still in place. There were four sails, two common and two spring, complete with shutters, mounted in a double poll end. In 1994 the site, behind Windmill Farm, did not show any evidence of the mill structures, but a circular hedge enclosure, some 25 yards in diameter, denotes its location. There are several fragments of broken grey millstones which appear to have been about 5ft 4ins diameter in the garden, and also next door at 'The Mires'.[5]  

Netherseal windmill.  Photograph taken around the turn of the nineteenth century.  Image copied from a family postcard collection, original source unknown.

The windmill on Hunts Lane was the picturesque landscape subject for artists and photographers, including an etching by J. Dunne held at the V&A.

Etching by J. Dunne, copied from a postcard from the V&A Museum.  It depicts a view of Netherseal windmill from across the mere.

The mill pool and the Hooborough Brook are mentioned in a letter from the Staffordshire antiquarian (and rector of Hartshorne after his father died in 1799), Stebbing Shaw (1762-1802), to his friend and fellow antiquarian, John Nichols, in 1792: 

Having this morning walked from Seile about a mile to Donisthorpe, a hamlet partly belonging to that parish, to see a salt spring there, I will give you some account of it while fresh in my mind.  ‘Tis in a small meadow by the side of a stream called Hooborough Brook, which issues out of Barrett Pool, a large mill-pond upon Ashby Woulds and is for a considerable distance between Donisthorpe and Seile a boundary betwixt the two counties.”[6]  

Part of Donisthorpe was then in Derbyshire, and the Seales were in Leicestershire.  Shaw does not mention either wind or water mill directly, but as he is referring to Barratt Pool as a mill pool it may be that the water mill at least was still functioning as a mill at this point in time, it being only seven years after the 1785 survey by John Smith.

 

An 1821 map held in the British Library and available to view online shows the map and names Barratt Mill.  The north-western and of the pool has been bisected by a new road from Overseal to Moira past Gorsey Leys, which effectively made the old Ashby Road past the mill into a byway.  The new road connected the Burton-Market Bosworth/Atherstone turnpike with the new spa at Moira Baths.  The map does not show a windmill but there are a couple of unfortunate creases at that point and it is unknown whether a windmill was still in operation on site at that date.  It is possible to discern the trace of a track that led across the dam, through Bath Yard and on towards Boothorpe and it may be this track that is referred to in The Story of Bath Yard: 

There is evidence on more recent maps of an old track coming from the Blackfordby and Boothorpe area and going to Barratt Mill.  Alf Jones can remember a man riding his horse down this track once a year in order to keep the right of way open […] The canal arrived in 1798 and bisected the path.  In order to keep this track open (it was obviously well used) a swing bridge was built across the canal at this point.[7]  

As Boothorpe belonged in the same parish, presumably the inhabitants were required to have their corn ground into flour at the local mill.

Overseal and Barratt Mill in 1821.  The village of Moira is new.  Note the lane leading from Barratt Mill to Boothorpe through the Moira Baths and ‘coal pit” (Marquis shaft), bisected by both the canal and the new enclosure road from Measham, through Moira to Swadlincote

 

Ordnance Survey published their first map of the area in 1835, with Barratt Pool named rather than the mill.  A number of buildings are indicated on the site with two to the east of the mill.  A house stood on one of those positions well into the twentieth century, so probably dates to this period.  The other building could perhaps be the site of the former windmill but whether it was extant at this time or another building stood at that position is not known, although the existence of the windmill seems unlikely by this date, it would surely have been obsolete by then.

 

The tithe map of Overseal and Netherseal dated to 1843 shows the mill and part of the pool, as far east as the Hooborough Brook.  A new, larger building has appeared south of the mill itself and may be related to the Moira Mining Company.  There is no obvious sign of a windmill on the tithe map, although it would not have been included as the map designates that area as Ashby Woulds and is not reproduced for the tithe map.  It seems probable that the windmill was completely gone by this time and replaced by the ‘new’ post-mill at Netherseal.  Whether the decrepitude of the medieval post-mill at both Netherseal and Overseal by the later eighteenth century led to the creation of a larger and more modern one at Netherseal in the early 1840s is a matter on which we might speculate, alongside the fact that Netherseal watermill was in operation at that time.  The Stevenson and Poultney families are connected to the Netherseal mills during the nineteenth century but whether they ground the grain into flour for the wider parish requires further investigation.

 

The milling of grain into flour to make bread was extremely important throughout history, and remains so today.  The discovery of at least three former ‘lost’ windmills alongside the known but now destroyed windmill at Netherseal demonstrates the economic importance of local mills and milling.  Their loss tells us something of the change from local production to provision of bread from more centralised manufacturers and changes to food distribution. 

 

The concluding story of Barratt Mill on the Hooborough Brook and the history of the water mill(s) at Netherseal on the River Mease will form a later story, part three of this history of the Seale mills.

 

 



[1] DRO reference D809/A/PI/532

[2] LRO reference number: DG30/MA/249/2

[3] The information was given to me by Jim Marbrow, formerly of Grangewood, who was told the story by Herbert Curzon many years ago.  There has been no windmill on the site in living memory, nor, indeed of the lives of the previous generation.

[4] https://her.derbyshire.gov.uk/Monument/MDR7132 Accessed January 24th 2021

[5] https://her.derbyshire.gov.uk/Monument/MDR7132

[6] Nichols, J. The History and Antiquaries of Leicestershire. London 1795-1815 p: 998.  Further discussion of the rest of this remarkable letter in the chapter on local customs.

[7] The Ashby Woulds & District Local History Group.  The Story of Bath Yard. Moira Replan, Moira 1998 p:5

Monday, 16 August 2021

Of Boroughs and Barrows: locating the lost burial mounds of Seale, part two.

Evidence of Prehistoric Activity in the Seale Area

That people were living in and crossing over this area in prehistory can no longer be in doubt, the various scatters of worked flint from at least the Neolithic period is evidence of this, along with crop marks and other finds, including pot sherds, axe and spear heads.[1]  This discussion is focussed more on how place names and landscape features might give a clue to the building of barrow mounds in the ancient past, and in some cases how these acted as territorial boundary markers that have lasted into modern times.

 

Figure 1.  Microlith (worked flint scraper or knife) found by the author on a field walk in Overseal, May 2020. Author's photograph.

Seal Brook Burnt Mound.

That people in the Bronze Age and earlier pushed along the rivers and their tributaries is well attested and there are a number of pieces of evidence for this locally.  Perhaps the most ancient is the burnt mound by the Seal Brook,[2] although without carbon dating it is not possible to accurately ascertain its age.  Burnt mounds are something of an enigma in that their purpose is largely conjectural, with the most likely purpose on current understanding being a steam lodge.  In 2005 Derbyshire Archaeological Society (DAS) excavated the mound near the Seal Brook, which ‘was found to be somewhat typical at around twelve to fifteen metres in diameter, with the material consisting of much charcoal and heat affected stones’.[3]  Although a very wide date band is possible, those across Britain and Ireland that have been radiocarbon tested for age fall mostly into a band between the  Neolithic and Bronze Ages, or 7,000 to 3,000 years ago, in line with the dates for the Catholme Ceremonial Complex.  The use of steam lodges in the ancient past is well known, with very many burnt mounds across the country, but their specific use is not entirely certain.  It seems possible, probable even, that they were the sacred space where rituals concerned with the spirit world were enacted.  They are thought to have represented ‘safe’ places associated with cleansing and healing.[4] Whatever their use in prehistory, they are markers used by archaeologists for identifying nearby settlements.  They are almost always found next to a watercourse and are ‘considered indicators of the distribution, location and density of otherwise elusive contemporary settlements’.[5]  Such settlements would be expected to be found nearby but on slightly higher and drier ground than the burnt mound itself.  ‘Stream-walking’ might provide the opportunity of locating further burnt mounds in the area, although some specialist knowledge of what to look for is required.

 

Birchington House Burial Mound (formerly Seal House).

Very near to the Seal Brook burnt mound is the probable site of a former burial mound. The Derbyshire Heritage Environment Record (HER) contains a record for this potential burial mound near to the burnt mound site, again adjacent to the Seal Brook.  Monument record MDR7146 is described in the HER as ‘Potential cropmark barrow of Bronze Age date, seen as a subcircular enclosure, defined by ditch, diameter 8m. Centred at SK 2610 1298. Mapped using good quality aerial photographs’.[6]  If it was a burial mound, like any others in the local area it is entirely gone, eroded by time and ploughed out over the centuries, remaining only as a crop mark visible in aerial photographs and not apparent either on the ground or on the LiDAR map.  The association between this mound and the burnt mound must be seen as significant and is a strong indicator of a nearby settlement.  The opportunity for field walking on the higher ground near to Sandy Lane and the junction with Clifton Road may prove fruitful in locating any former potential settlement.

 

Cadborough Hill.

Between Overseal and Netherseal lies Cadborough Hill, at one time considered “An Ancient British station, probably in connexion with that of Seckington […] on the south side of the hill is a valley, called Dead-Dane Bottom; and in an adjoining field is a tumulus, where human bones have been turned up by the plough”.[7]  The assumption that the burial mound was related to a battle between Saxon and Dane seems to have been made in the early nineteenth century, which, presumably, is why White associates Cadborough with Seckington.  The name Dead-Dane Bottom does not occur in the written records prior to this period and it may be that the ploughing up of the tumulus, or barrow, and the discovery of human bones, led antiquarians or enthusiastic locals to invent the name Dead-Dane Bottom and imagine the battle that took place on or below the hill itself, for which, again, there is no other source.  The hill name Cadborough may come from a personal name Cada, with the borough place name attached to the end.  The name Cada is common as a place name across England and may have a special connection with hilltops (Cadbury Castle in Somerset is a prime example, along Cadbury Castle in Devon and with Cadborough Hill and Cadley Hill locally) and is in fact so frequent as to lead to the suggestion that Cada may have been a mythical or folkloric figure now lost to us.[8]  The confluence of the Kesbrook and Stockbook is at the foot of the hill.

 

Figure 2.  The Seale Bronze Age Axe Head discovered in September 2013.

Events beginning in 2010 resulted in a reconsideration of Cadborough Hill and archaeological and historical scrutiny there.  During the course of that year, the National Forest Company (NFC) purchased part of the hill and announced plans to overplant their part of the top of the hill in a picturesque style, breaking up the regularly shaped wooded covert on the hilltop, which had been planted during the 1930s.  The NFC were alerted to the possibility of the remains of a barrow mound on their newly acquired land.[9]  Finds by the Bloxwich Metal Detecting club in 2012 in a nearby field revealed a small number of Roman coins and brooches, indicating that the area had been under cultivation at least as early as the Romano-British period.  The club returned the following year and discovered, amongst a number of finds dating from Roman to Victorian periods, a Bronze Age socketed axe head.  Axe heads of this type date to around 1000BCE.

 

The axe head find was important as it lent support to the likelihood of the barrow being of Bronze Age date, rather than the already unlikely later Viking communal burial mound. It also led me to a discussion with Barbara Forster of the Derbyshire Archaeological Society and Ticknall Archaeological Research Group (TARG). In April 2013 we were conducting a geophysics survey on the top of the NFC owned part of Cadborough Hill, checking that the location of the lost barrow was not under the planned planting area prior to tree planting.  Barbara Foster observed that a -borough place name ending may be a corruption of the Anglian dative word barwe, meaning ‘hill’,[10] and a brief discussion on place name evidence is in the report that she and I submitted to Derbyshire HER in 2013.  My assumption prior to that discussion was that all -borough place name endings were connected to the burh placename meaning of ‘fortified town’ or ‘defended enclosure’ and once the alternative meaning was there, other places in the local landscape began to become comprehensible.  Berrow and Barrow occur regularly as a -barrow (tumulus or burial mound) place name ending.  Rowberrow in Somerset can stand here as an example, and more locally, Barrow on Trent has multiple barrow mounds adjacent to the River Trent.  

 


Figure 3. Swarkestone Lowes from the OS 25" to the mile map 1888.

Importantly, Swarkestone Lowes (see figure 3) is another local name that contains a reference to barrow mounds and there are several at that location (the four marked on the map not all visible any longer, but LiDAR has revealed several more at the site), with finds indicating use since at least the Mesolithic period.  At least one barrow has beaker pottery beneath it.[11]  Old field name spellings from the 1626 Overseal farm survey give Cadborough as Cadboro so it may be that this is a shortening of the -borough place name ending or that the spelling was later ‘corrected’ to -borough.  Barrie Cox’s discussion on place name endings relating to Barrowden are relevant here, ‘the hill with burial mounds’ with the name relating to the OE word beorg.[12]Putting the Cada and barrow names together may give us the meaning of ‘burial mound of Cada’ but whether Cada was a real or mythical character we may never know, and as mentioned above, the name appears across the country and is often associated with high places, which may at least indicate that there was an ancient mythical person called Cada who was connected with or celebrated in some way on hill tops or mounds.  Cadley Hill has the earlier form of Cadlowsiche dating from 1404 with the specific meaning of ‘Cada’s burial mound by the stream’.[13]  Canalised streams run to the West and north of Cadley Hill.  The use of the word ‘lowe’ meaning burial mound is discussed further in the post on Fivelowes.


Bramborough.

Bramborough at Donisthorpe occupies a hilltop position and has been proposed as the site of an Iron Age farmstead.  No known barrow has occupied the site, although if we allow the -barrow name ending the name would translate as ‘the bramble-strewn burial mound’ from OE bremel, meaning bramble.  Again, with no evidence of a ditch and ring fortification for a burgh or borough a barrow name ending is perhaps the most plausible explanation.  The 1835 Ordnance Survey map gives the name as Brambro.[14]  The brook that rises here was once called the Bramborough Brook[15] and was crossed nearby at the ‘Salter’s Ford’, again evidence of salt routes from the west crossing into the central plain.  The brook eventually became known as the Saltersford Brook.  The Via Devana Roman road from Colchester to Chester ran close to the position of the modern farm and some field boundaries at Bramborough Farm maintain the alignment.[16]  See also the 13th century reference to the “via Ferrata” in Seale, which may be referring to the Roman road.[17]

 

Whitborough

The former site of a post-enclosure period farm on the Woulds, Whitborough has no known burial mound, the suggestion of that possibility here is speculative and entirely through the possibility of the name ending.  The alternative spelling Whitborrow is given in the enclosure award of 1807.[18]   It is located near to the ruins of Norris Hill Hall, near to where Moira, Boothorpe and Blackfordby meet, and above the former site of Whitborough Farm, which stood in the lee of the hill.  An unnamed stream runs at the foot of the hill.  The hill above the farm lent its name to the dwelling and may have meant the ‘white barrow’ or possibly the ‘wight barrow’ although there are no known folklore tales attached to it.  Wights might sat first seem an unlikely option but it is known that prior to the massive exploitation of the Woulds for mineral deposits and widescale opencast mining for coal, clay and ironstone, as well as deep mining, that marsh lights were to be seen on the Woulds.  In popular folklore, these Jack o’ Lanterns or Will o’ the Wisps were believed to be marsh spirits, sent to guide the unwary benighted traveller into the marsh to be sucked into the mud and drowned.  Locally, these marsh spirits were known as Meg, and left their name in field names such as Megg’s Garden in Overseal when the Woulds were enclosed and drained in the eighteenth century.  Similarly, the name Meg o’ the Hill occurs on the outskirts of Appleby Parva,[19] next to Salt Street and not far from Tatborough.  The Woulds were a chancy place after dark and one can only imaging looking out across the Woulds from Overseal or Donisthorpe at the mist rising and seeing the ghostly lights flaring in the dark from time to time.

 


Figure 4.  Megg's Garden from the proposed 'lost' 1755 enclosure map of Overseal, now held in Stafford Record Office.  Megg’s Garden is immediately adjecent to the Woulds and the still marshy area next to the Hooborough Brook, which forms the modern county and parish boundary.  Author's photo.

Tatborough.

This site lies on an important crossing of ancient trackways to the west of Appleby Magna.  These are the north-south route that is now the A.444 from Nuneaton to Burton on Trent, and Salt Street, a known prehistoric trackway and salt route from the salterns of the Droitwich area into the east midlands.[20]  Salt Street is directly south of Seale and connects to an ancient network of overland routes at No Man’s Heath, some of which have been adopted as modern roads, others have become byways or public footpaths.  The name Tatborough is remembered on the OS 1902 map close to the junction of these trackways as Tatborough Spinney.  Its proximity to the ancient Anglo-Saxon moot-place for West Goscote is also significant here, and it may be that the local moot was held on the mound itself.[21]  The place-name element Tat is a corruption of tot, meaning a lookout position and may also be found in the placename Tutbury.  Toot or tot is also sometimes used for a burial mound, so the name may be here applied twice, tot-barrow, perhaps meaning mound-mound, when the old meaning has been forgotten.  Salt Street is significant as the overland route connecting Tatborough to Seale.

 

Billa Barra

Further afield but included here for the same reasons as the mention of Barrow-on-Trent, it demonstrates further support to the proposal for the borough/ barrow place name endings, is Billa-Barra at Bardon.  Billa-Barra is near to Coalville and marked on the 1902 Ordnance Survey map as Billa Barrow,[22] but on earlier OS maps as Bilborough.  The Borough Council’s brief entry for the history of the site states that ‘The name of the hill is thought to be a corruption of the word "barrow," meaning burial ground. This is thought to be linked to stories of a Saxon battle on the adjacent land with the dead buried on the hill. However, any physical evidence would have been destroyed at the on-set of quarrying’.[23]  As with Cadborough, the more likely explanation is of a prehistoric burial mound occupying the prominent site.  An unnamed stream runs to the south of the hill.

 

Drakelowe

Drakelowe is mentioned here for three reasons; its placename meaning, the barrow that once stood there, and the possible correspondence with Whitborough.  There is no known specific prehistoric connection between Seale and Drakelowe other than that they are within a few miles of each other, and the people would have been part of the same broader clan.  That a barrow stood next to the River Trent at Drakelowe in the past is known from the placename.  Drakelowe is Old English for Dragon Hill or Dragon Mound.  In early English world imagery, the dragon is the guardian or watcher, warding a buried treasure or golden hoard and acting as gatekeeper to the land of the dead.[24]  The association of the dragon with gold, or treasure, is an ancient one and the word itself, dragon, has its roots in the Indo-European word *derk, meaning to see clearly.[25]  The village of Drakelowe was abandoned at the end of the 11th century, the reason given at the time was a haunting by vampires but in all likelihood an attack of plague.  The lords of the manor, the Gresley family, maintained a seat there until the 19th century.  The site of the deserted village is given in the Derbyshire HER along with the earliest known recorded mention of the name ‘Dracan Llawen’ in the written records, 942CE.[26]In 1300, Geoffrey de Gresley claimed right of gallows there and it is likely that the gallows stood atop the barrow mound itself.  Historic England point out that as barrows were known to have ancient connections, their ‘association with pagan myths and traditions meant that gibbets were sometimes constructed on them and criminals buried in them’.[27]  The connection between a guardian in the barrow and perhaps hauntings from the unquiet dead executed on the gallows and buried in unsanctified ground (perhaps at the crossroads) lends some credence to the possibility that the name meaning of Whitborough is associated with wights or malevolent spirits rather than the colour of the hill.

 

Castle Knob

Castle Knob at Castle Gresley is the site of a mediaeval motte and bailey castle and included here only for its potential reuse of a burial mound.  Motte and bailey castles are known to have reused burial mounds as the basis for the bailey mound, certainly in cases where the location was suitable for the requirements of the mediaeval builder.  As the location requirements for both was often on a prominent hilltop the later builders sometimes took advantage of the mound already there, enhancing its height and size for their own needs.  There is no recorded barrow mound beneath the current castle mound, and it is included here speculatively.  See Derbyshire HER monument record MDR2549 for further information.[28] Again, a small stream runs at the base of the hill on which the mound sits.  It is mentioned here for it’s possible change of use and as possible evidence of further mounds in the vicinity of the study area.

 

Conclusion

The purpose of barrows went beyond their role as a place of rest for the dead.  It is likely that they also acted as a focal point for the spiritual needs of the community, much as a church might to modern Christians, and it is thought by archaeologists that rituals performed there helped in the structure of life in the community, binding the people together and binding them to the land.[29]  They differed from the earlier Neolithic long barrows in that they were not communal burial sites as such and may have contained only the body of a single individual, although other burials, presumably of family group or clan members, were sometimes added later.  This shift in burial practice and traditional customs may reflect the change of people as the Neolithic folk gave way to the Beaker people of the Bronze Age.  Barrows are located prominently, often on a hilltop, and may also therefore be considered as territorial markers.  They are not only a visual marker, this signposting is also done through the act of placing of the ancestors into the mound (presumably a chieftain, shaman or powerful clan leader, or possibly a ritual sacrifice), thus connecting the clan and the land, both physically and metaphysically.  The dead therefore become guardians of place in more than one reality or plane of existence.  The mound may also be seen as a place of rebirth, resembling a pregnant belly as it does, and by placing the person or persons into the barrow, we might expect them to be reborn, either into this world or the next.  We might also consider that by interment in a barrow they are being returned from whence they came, to the earth.

 

Barrows first began to appear from circa 6,000 years before present and are present in the landscape in a variety of shapes and typologies, although their full function is now lost to us.  Round barrows themselves appear in different types and these can fall into a variety of sizes, from just a few metres across to over 40m in diameter.  It is thought that in the past almost every parish in the country would have contained at least one barrow, with the majority now lost to the plough.[30]  Barrows were used with decreasing frequency into the Roman period and there are a smaller number of Anglo-Saxon barrows recorded, perhaps the most well-known being the Sutton Hoo ship burials in Suffolk.

 

That the parish of Seale contained several barrows or burial mounds is indicated by the records of the ploughed-out barrow on Cadborough Hill, the HER reference to the Birchington House barrow and the documentary evidence of the field names relating to Fivelowes.  The inclusion into this picture of other activities and the wider landscape of the burnt mound sweat lodge and the ceremonial complex where three rivers meet at Catholme indicates that these people were organised and capable of manipulating their surroundings to suit their needs.  When placenames are considered, although seemingly speculative at first glance, the corroborating evidence for considerable human activity in the area in prehistory begins to mount. An image of family groups of the local clan scattered across a farmed landscape appears, and our ancestors lives perhaps become less indistinct than they were.  If it is the case that the -borough place name endings do indicate the presence of Bronze-Age burial mounds, then our landscape held multiple meanings for them, a true palimpsest and an accretion of layers of meaning.  It may also be the case that in setting out their claim to the land, the local clan and family groups also delineated the boundary and boundaries that are still discernible in the old parish boundaries that we see today.

 



[1] http://www.archiuk.com/cgi-bin/web-archi.pl?PlacenameFromPlacenameFinder=Stone%20Rows&CountyFromPlacenameFinder=Leicestershire&distance=10000&ARCHIFormNGRLetter=SK&ARCHIFormNGR_x=32&ARCHIFormNGR_y=14&info2search4=placename_search#neolithic (Accessed 8th February 2021).

[2] Monument record MDR14914 - Burnt mound, Seal Brook, Netherseal. See here for detail (Accessed 7th February 2021).

[3] https://her.derbyshire.gov.uk/Monument/MDR14914 (Accessed 8th February 2021).

[4] https://www.culture24.org.uk/history-and-heritage/archaeology/art538051-historic-scotland-orkney-sauna-healing-hot-house-cooking-prehistoric (Accessed 29th April 2021).  Having taken part in a modern steam lodge ceremony and ritual, I can attest to their efficacy.

[5] Hodder, M. West Midlands Regional Research Framework for Archaeology, Seminar 2: Hodder. Burnt mounds and beyond: the later prehistory of Birmingham and the Black Country. Available here: https://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:Q2sSAD8w_tAJ:https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/Documents/college-artslaw/caha/wmrrfa/2/MikeHodder.doc+&cd=16&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=uk&client=safari (Accessed 29th April 2021).

[6] https://her.derbyshire.gov.uk/Monument/MDR7146 (Accessed 8th February 2021).

[7] White, W. History, Gazetteer & Directory of Leicestershire and Rutland. London 1863 p:504.

[8] http://kepn.nottingham.ac.uk/map/place/Devon/Cadbury (Accessed 8th February 2021).

[9] Pers Comm.  I emailed Mr Matt Brocklehurst, the then Forest Development Manager for the NFC in the August of 2010 with the preliminary information and we had a string of emails and site meetings on the subject over the course of the next three years.

[10] Gelling, M. Place Names in the Landscape. Dent London ed 1994 p: 127.

[11] https://her.derbyshire.gov.uk/Monument/MDR7303 (Accessed 1st August 2021).

[12] Cox, B. The Place- Names of Leicestershire and Rutland. Nottingham University Library. p: 699 PhD thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham 1971. see here: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/33564411.pdf (Accessed 10th February 2021).

[13] Cameron, K. The Place Names of Derbyshire. Part Three. The English Place Name Society, Nottingham 1959 reprinted 1993 p: 635.

[14] https://www.visionofbritain.org.uk/maps/sheet/first_edition/sheet63 (Accessed 9th February 2021).  This may be intended as a shortening of Bramborough but as nearby Whitborough is not marked (the farm may not yet have been built) there is no other borough name with which to compare it.

[15] See the 19th century Donisthorpe tithe map held in Leicester Records Office.

[16] https://www.le.ac.uk/lahs/downloads/1994/1994%20(68)%20153-194%20Arch%20of%20Leics-Rutland%2093.pdf (Accessed 9thFebruary 2021).

[17] DRO reference number: D77/1/23/68 or see here: https://calmview.derbyshire.gov.uk/calmview/Overview.aspx?src=CalmView.Catalog (Accessed 9th February 2021).

[18]  Cox, B. The Place- Names of Leicestershire and Rutland. PhD thesis, Nottingham University Library. 1971 p:342

[19] http://www.applebymagna.org.uk/appleby_history/in_focus33_appleby_field_names.html (Accessed 9th February 2021).

[20] For further information on salterns in prehistory see Historic England’s Introduction to Heritage Assets, Pre-Industrial Salterns here: https://historicengland.org.uk/images-books/publications/iha-preindustrial-salterns/heag225-pre-industrial-salterns/ (Accessed 9thFebruary 2021).

[21] Cox, B.H. Leicestershire Moot-Sites: The Place-Name Evidence. Booklet reprinted from the Transactions of the Leicestershire Archaeological and Historical Society, Volume XLVII, 1971-2.  The Guildhall, Leicester p: 20

[22] https://maps.nls.uk/geo/explore/?fbclid=IwAR3lbRDvm4-OJ7qrG3_iD5bkkEmzknNgLQAN1xjDQoeNa44k2nTFHKoyKUI#zoom=17&lat=52.69846&lon=-1.31260&layers=168&b=1 (Accessed 9thFebruary 2021).

[23] https://www.hinckley-bosworth.gov.uk/info/200073/parks_and_open_spaces/361/billa_barra_hill/3 (Accessed 9th February 2021).

[24] Consider here the story of Beowulf or the dragon Fáfnir in the stories of Sigurð.

[25] Sherlock. R. The Greed of Dragons: An Investigation into the Association of Avarice and Dragons in Anglo0Saxon and Old Norse Narrative Literature. Dissertation for MA Viking and Anglo-Saxon Studies, University of Nottingham 2014.

[26] https://her.derbyshire.gov.uk/Monument/MDR2605 (accessed 22nd April 2021).

[27] Historic England. Prehistoric Barrows and Burial Mounds. Introduction to Heritage Assets. Swindon 2018 p: 7.

[28] https://her.derbyshire.gov.uk/Monument/MDR2549 (Accessed 29th April 2021).

[29] https://heritagecalling.com/2015/07/10/a-brief-introduction-to-bronze-age-barrows/ (Accessed 22nd April 2021).

[30] Historic England have produced a helpful guide here: https://historicengland.org.uk/images-books/publications/iha-prehistoric-barrows-burial-mounds/heag217-prehistoric-barrows-burial-mounds/ (accessed 22nd April 2021).





The Seal of Henry, Clerk of Seale.

In August 2013, metal detectorists from the West Midlands were searching in Overseal fields and discovered something unusual.     About the ...